Archive for the ‘Section 11’ Category

When John Stuart Mill wrote his essay “Subjection of Women”, he argued that business partnership should be the ideal model for marriage in order for women’s emancipation and a better marriage (Mill 672) as this would create an ‘equal’ atmosphere of interaction.

A television advertisement is depicting a happy family in a suburban setting, the husband, a middle-aged man acts immaturely and the wife then took care of his mistakes with a smile while promoting a certain product…

Seen one like this? Would this be one of the scenarios he conceptualize as the ideal equal marriage relationship? Mill described the equality of business partnership as having no absolute leaders, but having two co-leaders with two equal share of authority. Devoid of the uncontrolled patriarchal lordships Mill observed during his era, is top-down relationships considered an inequality and bad altogether?

Mill in advance, forecasted that at some point, certain opponents (he sometimes described as Casuists) would counter-argue that if both husband and wife have equal say, everyday decisions will be far from being accomplished and the smallest matter (e.g. who buys the grocery?) could involve feral disputes (Mill 672). He made an effort to offset this case by proposing that “one (person) should have their sole control” but it shouldn’t always be the same person each time (Mill 672). Well, shouldn’t deciding ‘who become the leader in which division’ recreates the same vicious cycle of bickering and disputes?

This so-called noble bondage of marriage is claimed by Mill as ‘domestic slavery’ similar to the slavery institution that is still operational in 1869 United States of America (Mill 669). The main point is, top-down relationships is regarded by Mill as unequal rights in action and should be abolished. Mill was and still not alone in this matter; top-down relationship is often viewed negatively especially in this new western civilization and that it is the stems of inequalities that it should be cut off immediately from the branch of society.

Top-down relationships should not be confused with the dominator-dominated relationship. It is crucial to not understand these two relationships to be interchangeable. A top-down relationship can be exemplified by the relationship of a democratic government leader and the civilians. This ‘leader’ exercises a top-down authority to his constituents, meaning that he is granted the ultimate decision power… But then, does he become the dominator? No, not necessarily. The leader is already in contract with its constituents when he signed for the post, therefore, he should be the main crusader for the best interest of his appointee…or he would then be unseated in the next election. A leader with top-down powers should always keep in mind his appointee, similarly, the appointed family leader (in this case, husband or wife) should always keep in mind his/her appointer, the core foundation of marriage: the COMMITMENT to have a physically, emotional, intellectual and for some, spiritual relationship with the significant other, if not, it will no longer be a marriage and all the powers of a leader would then be stripped off. Conditions applied, husbands or wives with top-down powers would then be the more responsible and mindful partner and sometimes tend to care more than required, but absolutely not the dominator.

As explained in my previous blog post (Honey, It’s Just Business), the foundation of marriage is rooted deeply on the commitment ITSELF to be a part of each other physically, emotionally, intellectually and for some, spiritually, and this being the source for a marriage leadership, top-down relationships then would not create unequal rights among partners but provide different roles for them. In this post, I WOULD NOT ARGUE which types of relationships is better, or which gender is worth more being the leader, but only to prove the point that top-down relationships are not bad altogether and is possible to be applied in marriage, without one being the dominated and one being the dominator.

Works cited:

[1] Mill, John Stuart. “On Liberty” in Modern Political Thought: Readings from Machiavelli to

Nietzsche. 2nd ed., edited by David Wootton (Indianapolis: Hackett Pub., 2008).

[2] Honey It’s Only Business. [Polisci 101 Intro to Political Theory Blog]. Retrieved December 15, 2009, from the World Wide Web:https://polsci101.wordpress.com/2009/12/15/honey-it’s-only-business/


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Honey, It’s Only Business..

The world back then for John Stuart Mill was completely wrong. Inhumane slavery, insensible patriarchal lordships…just to name a few. Atrocious practices linger freely among the society creating myriad social upheavals. Marriage, for him, did not escape from negative influences of current social norms. Women were exploited and literally treated as property when tied with this so-called noble bondage of marriage. Wives can be treated nearly as servants, with the husbands regarded by law as ‘lord of the wife’. Also, wives can’t even have the rights to own property alas inheriting any from her husband (Mill 667). To summarize, women are deprived most if not all her rights when she married a man. Mill’s “Subjection of Women” essay argued that partnership in business is the ideal model for women’s emancipation and a better marriage. Or is it?

The sense of equality in business partners seems to be an attractive best solution to lift the status of women as a more appropriate partner in marriage. Assuming both partners have equal shares in the business, their say would carry the same weight in determining the business’s directions. One business partner would also have equal rights to exit the binding contract between them, thus protecting both parties from dominating each other (Mill 672). However, it is of utmost importance to first analyze the analogous features between business partnership and marriage before we determine its relevance to each other. Interestingly, these two social institutions were built on extremely contradictory foundations that it can be of opposing ends in a continuum. The core of business partnership would be ‘conditional reciprocation’ meaning relationship comes after certain requirements were met, while marriage is built on an unconditional one. Plainly, business partnership is centered more on self-interest; its relationship depends on the ability of each partner to benefit from each other (e.g. profit, protection, market power, etc). Once the chain of benefits is broken, the core of its relationship is crumbled, the partnership could be off. Marriage relationship, unlike the former, is based on a different paradigm, involving different goals. Not relying solely on benefits each partner could garner from each other, marriage is a relationship that roots deeply on the commitment itself to be a part of each other physically, emotionally, intellectually and for some, spiritually. Marriage is not about what others CAN do for us, but what we WANT to do for others.

Now, how can such two systems of relationship with different goals compared with each other? Business partnership probably suits its purpose to steer a firm’s course in the tangly world of business but in an intimate relationship such as marriage that’s probably not the case. It’s main reliance on self-interest and materialistic benefits instead of the relationship itself is what people describe as ‘strictly business’, and fittingly describes its ‘strict’ and brittle relationship with less tolerance. When billionaire Tiger Woods’s scandal erupted and no longer beneficial of a business image, it only took weeks before global consultancy firm Accenture ended their six-year relationship/sponsorship with Woods; with more partners like Gillette and watchmaker Tag Heuer forecasted to take actions (NY Times). As the core of marriage is the relationship itself, and involves a lot more aspects such as the ‘PIES’ (Physical, Intellectual, Emotional and Spiritual), added with interpersonal intimate interaction, marriage is a relationship built for stability. It would be dreadful if a marriage relationship became so superficial that it could break at any minor crises, considering its impact socially (e.g. raising of children). It would be inappropriate and even detrimental if one would apply the interaction system of a business partnership to marriage.

When Mill introduced this theory, he probably has the best interest at heart to quickly alleviate women’s status from the harsh patriarchal lordships. I would courageously say business partnership would be inappropriate as a marriage model, and that interactions in a marriage only reflect the social interactions of the community as a whole. Foundations of marriage, is not the cause of this atrocity, but the fundamentals of society is what needed to change first.

Works cited:

[1] Mill, John Stuart. “On Liberty” in Modern Political Thought: Readings from Machiavelli to

Nietzsche. 2nd ed., edited by David Wootton (Indianapolis: Hackett Pub., 2008).

[2] Accenture Ends Sponsorship of Tiger Woods. [NY Times Online]. Retrieved December 15, 2009, from the World Wide Web: http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2009/12/13/sports/AP-US-Tiger-Woods-Accenture.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=tiger%20woods%20sponsorship&st=cse

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            Throughout the readings on Niccolo Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes, discussion centered around one ruler- a prince or sovereign.  John Locke introduced a new form of political thought based on the idea of separation of powers.  Hence, no one individual has absolute power.  In Second Treatise of Government, Locke talks about the idea of being free and equal, as well as other important topics that distinguish his ideas from his predecessors.  I will discuss why, according to Locke’s principles, democracy is a more successful form of government as opposed to tyranny or monarchy.

            Locke addresses ideas inherent or explicitly defined in prior methods of thought.  Specifically, he recognizes the popular belief that God gives kings authority, so kings have a divine right and justified claim to power.  Locke, however, challenges this because he proposes that people are free and equal.  Equality involves given rights of humanity because God make people equal such that one cannot dominate another.  This is a notion of justice that Locke then links to freedom.  An individual is free until his or her exercise of freedom harms another individual.  Justice also appears when Locke discusses the right to judge.  If anyone has executive power, then personal biases will eventually cause a problem.  Therefore, Lock suggests a common judge.  With a common judge, similar benefits from Hobbes’ sovereign allow for unbiased judgments and time efficient resolutions.  However, for Locke, the common judge does not make the laws as with Hobbes’ sovereign.  This allows for checks and balances on power to preserve personal freedoms.  In this case, one does have an obligation to the laws because an individual may be tried before the common judge, but there is also the right to revolt and appeal.  This highlights a key difference between Locke’s common judge and Hobbes’ sovereign.  We can also see this difference in the Unites States’ method of government today in that it is much more similar to Locke’s checks and balances and separation of powers.

            Benefits of allocating power appear when analyzing Locke’s explanations about the negative characteristics of usurpation and tyranny.  In the case of usurpation, the government has the power to overrule laws which adds an uncertainty to the government’s capabilities. Are there then no limits to the government’s rule?  With usurpation, the answer is no, so people may have constant fear toward the government.  In a tyrannical state, the ruler can take property, life, and freedom, again leaving the people with uncertainty and fear.  In these cases, as well as in a monarchy, denial of representation prevents the people from being able to speak out for themselves.  This oppression is a general harm for Locke and can lead to a long chain of abuses in the government.

            The benefits that a democracy brings include representation, separation of powers, and, perhaps most importantly, a guarantee of freedom and equality.  The constant state of feeling powerless and unable to elicit change is addressed through Locke’s ideas.  Recognizing the need for a government for protection, Locke gives us the preliminary ideas of a government run for the people and by the people, making Locke very influential toward the foundation of the United States’ government and its democracy today.

Rebecca Beagan Section 11

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Politics and Religion in America:
Where is This Religious Tolerance I Have Heard About?

Section 011

I have decided to post this blog this late in the term because it does not directly correlate to any of our readings, however, I do believe this is an important political issue that should be discussed.

How many senators and representatives in congress believe in some form of a God? How many do not? The 111th congress opened this year with, at most, 7 “non-believers”. Breaking that down, there were actually two Buddhists and five who declined to answer the question. This means that a confirmed 1% of congress does not believe in a God. Is this just because 1% of America does not believe in a God? Not quite, only about 80% of Americans believe in a God, leaving 20% who have declared not to be affiliated with any God religion. Thinking about this in a larger sense, how many presidents have declared to not believe in a God? Zero. So, one may be asking oneself, what’s the issue here? The issue is that those who do not believe in a God are put at a disadvantage on the political level by many of the American people and there is something seriously wrong with this.

A USA Today/Gallup poll in 2007 showed that only 45% of respondents would vote for an Atheist. So, theoretically, even if a non-believer ran for president and would clearly be the best candidate for the position, he would still not win, because of his lack of belief in a God. Does this seem right? Does this seem like it is in the best interest of the country? I do not see how the answer to this could be yes. Some may claim that because he does not believe in a God, he would be immoral and therefore advocate immoral laws. However, this attack against political atheists has relatively little ground. Just because religions with a God advocate some kind of moral position on almost everything, why is it that without a belief in God, someone cannot be moral? This is blatant prejudice thought. Also, since when did everyone who believes in a God follow all those morals anyway? (We all have at least heard one story of a politician who has been “unfaithful” to their spouse).

Maybe one could argue that, “people should have the right to vote for who they want.” This is true, but that does not make this issue any less of a problem. The issue of stereotyping race, sex, gender, etc. has come to discussion in American politics, so why not religion? Just like there is no reason not to vote for an African-American who is most suitable to be the Commander-in-Chief, there is no reason to not vote for a non-believer in the same situation. Too many voters are unfairly stereotyping those who do not believe in God and consequently voting their religion in office and not voting based on merit. Once again, this can in no way benefit America and can only hurt it.

The United States claims to have a government that is separate from religion, but the word “God” is on our national currency and is said during almost any political address. We claim to have freedom of opportunity, but the political scene looks grim for anyone who enters without a belief in God. I am not advocating “Godlessness” in America, only in American politics. We should vote for our public officials based on merit, not on religion. Government and religion need to be in two separate spheres: just as the government has no place in religion, religion has no place in American government.


Lin, Joanna. “111th Congress reflects greater religious diversity in

the U.S. .” L.A. Times 05 Jan 2009: n. pag. Web. 13 Dec 2009.


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Since December 2007, the number of unemployed persons in the United States has risen by 7.9 million (http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.nr0.htm). This statistic – along with the November 2009 unemployment rate of 10% – reveals that the United States is currently experiencing significant economic troubles. These problems have ignited political debates across the country that have brought into question what role the government should play in helping those who are suffering from economic hardship. At the core of these arguments lies the issue of whether or not the government should intervene in the private lives of individuals. I would argue that these debates, in questioning the relationship between government policy and individual liberty, have added a new sense of relevancy to a political discussion that has lasted more than a century. Liberal minds, starting with John Stuart Mill in his work titled On Liberty, have spent a great deal of time attempting to explain the importance of individual liberty and to present opinions on how involved a government should be in the private lives of citizens. Two different liberal schools of thought – Old and New Liberals – developed possible answers as to what the relationship between a state and its people should resemble. Through the analysis of these two viewpoints, I believe that the complexity of the current political situation in the United States will be revealed. This complexity, I would argue, will force Americans to once again bring into question whether or not the government should play an active role in dictating the private lives of citizens.

I feel it is important to first present the fundamental ideals of Liberalism in order to understand the basis from which Old and New Liberals have developed their ideas. John Stuart Mill, in his work On Liberty, states it is “imperative that human beings should be free to form opinions, and to express their opinions without reserve,” (Wootton, 620). This statement reveals the importance that early liberals placed on the ideal of individual liberty. Mill stresses in his writings that people, when acting within their own “private” sphere, should have the right to base their actions off of their own free will.  However, this seemingly simplistic idea is convoluted by the reality that people, as they are members of society, interact with each other on a regular basis. Mill is aware that these interactions could be potentially harmful to society as a whole if an individual’s actions are not monitored. This is why Mill argues it is necessary for a set of rules and standards to be created so that life in this more “public” sphere can run in a smooth manner. The government establishes these rules and standards in the form of laws. It is at this intersection of Mill’s ideology that the viewpoints of New and Old Liberals deviate. These two versions of Liberalism, as shown below, have fundamentally different visions as to what extent the government should intervene in the natural course of events of the “public” sphere.

Old Liberalism – also known as Classical Liberalism – was founded by Herbert Spencer. He agrees with Mill that a person’s individual liberty should be cherished. However, he develops his own opinion as to why individual liberty is important based on his belief that the nature of human society is very similar to an organic entity. Spencer argues that when individuals act freely, they compete with one another. The end result of this competition is the success of one individual and the failure of another individual. Spencer explains that it is through this process of the “survival of the fittest” that a strong and advanced society will be established. In his work titled The Study of Sociology, Spencer states, “social arrangements which retard the multiplication of the mentally-best, and facilitate the multiplication of the mentally worst, must be extremely injurious,” (Spencer, 344). This statement illustrates Spencer’s belief that individual liberty is important in that it allows for the superior members of society to survive. He goes on to further state “fostering the good-for-nothing at the expense of the good is an extreme cruelty,” (Spencer, 344). This raw language bluntly argues that it is of no use for a society to attempt to shield the inferior from “that mortality which their unworthiness would naturally entail,” (Spencer, 344). In other words, Spencer is arguing that “weak” people, because they are naturally inferior, should ultimately be left to die off. The final result of this process, Spencer believes, would be the realization of a society made up of only “superior” human beings. These opinions on the importance of allowing Social Darwinism to shape a perfect society are closely related to Spencer’s other assertion that people must be allowed to act freely in order to not disturb the natural course of society. In order to act freely, Spencer argues, governments should not interfere with or constrain the liberty of an individual to act in a free manner.

New Liberalism was created – in large part – as a response to the ideologies of Old Liberalism. Thomas Hill Green, a founder of New Liberalism, believed that liberal politicians had lost sight of the true goal of Liberalism. He states in his “Lecture on Liberal Legislation and Freedom of Contract” that “there can be no freedom among men who act not willingly but under compulsion,” (Green, 371). This statement reveals that Green, Like Spencer, also agrees with Mill on the basis that individual liberty is an extremely important ideal. However, he disagrees with Spencer’s assertion that those on the losing end of social competition should not receive help from the rest of society. He argues that the social position of a man does not reflect that man’s ability to be a “winner” in society. To defend this opinion, Green speaks out against the idea that men are solely the result of natural forces and advocates that current society – through its laws and standards – has crippled a certain group of people. Therefore, Green argues, it is the moral duty of society to help lighten the burden of those who are experiencing hardship in order to help them ascend into the “winning” half of society. He stresses that it is the duty of the government to act in a moral manner and advocate a positive freedom through which individuals can prosper with government assistance. This means that New Liberals support positive and constructive government intervention in the lives of citizens.

Old and New Liberalism, although both stemming from the same ideology, present two fundamentally different outlooks on to what extent the government should intervene – or not intervene – in the private lives of citizens. I would argue that these two viewpoints only offer simple solutions to complex issues. I feel Old Liberalism’s position that the government should not intervene in the private lives of citizens is problematic in that a policy of “no intervention” would result in increased class distinctions and mass poverty (Old Liberals would view this poverty as a sad necessity, but I am choosing to focus my analysis only on the Old Liberal call for minimal government intervention). However, I find myself believing that it is also problematic if a government fiercely follows New Liberal policies and ensures that people will always receive aid.  I feel that if people know they will never hit “rock bottom” they might not have the drive to help themselves and better their own lives. In conclusion, I find myself unable to fully align with one of these two ideological camps. I feel both that government intervention should be avoided in order to encourage self-growth but also that a government has a duty to intervene when people really are in need. This is where I would like to present the following question: Given that 10% of Americans are currently without a job, do you think that it is the government’s role to intervene in the natural course of society and immediately provide those who are suffering from economic hardship with the help they currently need?


Unemployment Data – http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.nr0.htm

John Stuart Mill Quote – Wootton, David. Modern Political Thought – Readings from Machiavelli to Nietzsche. Second Edition. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2008. Print.

Herbert Spencer – The Study of Sociology (London: C. Kegan Paul, 1881), 339-346.

Thomas Hill Green – “Lecture on Liberal Legislation and Freedom of Contract,” in The Works of Thomas Hill Green (London: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1891), 365-386.

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Kant Goes to School

Recently, we’ve been talking about Kant and his idea of enlightenment.  To Kant, “enlightenment” means “man’s emergence from his self-imposed immaturity.”  And “immaturity is the inability to use one’s understanding without guidance from another” (Wooton 522).  Kant also says that reason is the tool to use in order to become mature and enlightened.  I thought about this and wondered how Kant would react to our current university teaching system.  At first, I thought that Kant would be against the teaching methods, but as I looked closer I found that this was incorrect.

The common idea is that we go to school in order to learn.  People have different reasons to go.  One person goes to school simply because it’ll get him/her a better job in the future.  Another person just wants to learn.  I think Kant would say that the first person, even though being “educated”, is still immature.  He would say this because this person is following a common idea of society and depending on “guardians” to progress in life.  Kant’s “guardians” are people who sway your opinion and tell you how to act (Wooton 522).  Also, because the person is relying on the “guardians” for guidance, Kant would think that the person is being lazy and is a coward.

The second person would be closer to being mature, but different ways of learning may hinder his/her maturation.  For example, a large amount of classes at the University of Michigan are large lecture classes.  We sit there and listen to someone talk at us for an hour or so.  We take notes because we don’t want to fail a test.  We simply absorb ideas and accept them because we were taught by the “guardians” that professors are qualified and correct.  In discussion classes, we are swayed to one opinion by our GSIs so that we understand certain points of a reading.  In this sense, we are not using our own reason, thus not becoming enlightened.

This idea, however; is simply grazing the surface.  Kant said “these guardians then show [you] the danger that threatens [you], should [you] attempt to walk alone” (Wooton 522).  When you look at the situation, you see that the number large lecture classes decrease overtime.  The large lectures give you a foundation for your learning.  An introduction, if you will.  After the large lecture, we decide whether we want to pursue that field of interest.  And if we do, we have to use our reason more than ever.  We take the basic knowledge we learned for the introduction and use our reason to pursue our goals.  We choose what we want to believe and then act on it.  Undergrads decide what major they want to get.  Graduate students decide what area they want to get their masters in.  School may scare you with the amount of work classes give, but it lets you decide your path and “walk alone.”  This “spreads the spirit of rational appreciation…for each person’s calling to think for himself” (Wooton 522).

Kant says that the way to enlightenment is to become mature.  To become mature, we must use reason.  The common idea is that we go to college after high school.  Different people go for different reasons.  The methods they use determine whether you mature or not.  One could say that the large lecture idea is not good and it fosters immaturity, but that is incorrect.  They give us a base of knowledge that we decide what to do with.  Thus, we choose our own path and use our reason to become enlightened.

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The state of human nature has been a heavily hypothesized topic of political thought throughout history. Philosophers from a multitude of historical time periods have spent a great deal of effort attempting to define the truths of human nature. It can be argued that the opinions of various influential political thinkers, including Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, present a binding ideological commonality that humanity has an innate tendency to act on selfish motives. However, I do not believe it is possible to develop a stagnant definition of the reality of human nature. The tendencies of mankind, I believe, are prone to continuous change and therefore capable of being catalyzed by more than a single natural force. Through the analysis of the social evolution of mankind, tied together with the dissection of various social ideologies offered by prominent political thinkers, I will present an argument in defense of the idea that the nature of social theory, a key element of political thought, is one of infinite change rather than finite universalities.

Thomas Hobbes and John Locke both present social theories centered on the unchanging belief that man is selfish. Hobbes, in his work titled Leviathan, states “the object of man’s desire, is not to enjoy only once, and for one instant of time, but to assure for ever, the way of his future desire,” (Wootton, 149). This statement reveals the idea that human action is driven by a selfish tendency to always act in ways deemed as beneficial to the preservation of oneself. Locke, although he argues that man possesses the natural abilities of reason and tolerance, insists “self-love will make men partial to themselves and their friends,” (Wootton, 289). This means Locke also believes selfishness to be a universal and unavoidable characteristic of mankind. These two men, writing during periods of intense violence spurred by a revolutionary mood in the history of England, felt man was capable of action based only on selfish motives. The divided nation of England presented a world that was easily viewed as one in which acting selfishly was the only appropriate way to achieve self-preservation.

Although Hobbes and Locke present a universal and unchanging definition of human nature as they define their own social theories, modern philosopher Rebecca Solnit argues, through her observations of various human reactions to disasters, that humans are capable of acting selflessly. She claims that the phenomenon of “surprising human kindness and good sense” occurs time and time again when disaster strikes (Solnit, 33). The observations that persuade her to defend this idea are mainly of disasters that have occurred in time periods and places where a social structure has been firmly established. Her argument illuminates the potential reality that modern humanity, upon descending into a state of nature, subconsciously finds it beneficial to its own preservation to work together and assure that old social structures will be erected once again.

How is it that Rebecca Solnit is able to present factual observations that can be seen as contrary to the social theories of Hobbes and Locke? I believe the answer to this question lies within the idea that social theory is organic. External forces, which occur randomly over the course of history, stimulate substantial human reaction. This can be seen in both the violent reactions of Englishmen during the English Civil War and the responses of modern humanity to the challenges presented by disasters. These human reactions to external forces, I would argue, cannot be defined by one common catalyst. That is, I believe humans will act according to the unique situation in which they find themselves. The people of England acted selfishly throughout the 17th century because it was in their best interest to preserve themselves through the use of violence. However, the populations analyzed by Solnit found it more beneficial to act in a selfless manner in order to preserve their lives through maintaining a social structure. I would argue that this is because a substantial portion of modern humanity is not fully capable of prolonged sustainability without receiving help from an established society.

In conclusion, I would defend the social theories of all the philosophers discussed above on the basis that humans acted, during specific and unique time periods, according to the theories presented. However, I would disagree with all of these thinkers on the basis that they present their social theories as finite definitions of human nature. I believe it can be argued that human nature is based on responding to external forces. Therefore, given both a specific time period and the reality that new external forces are always arising, human nature is constantly evolving. This means that social theory, because it is the study of human nature, is also infinitely changing.

Why is this important to the topic of Political Science? Political philosophers have consistently used social theory as a base from which they establish further political assertions. Therefore, presenting an understanding of human nature is an essential piece of the creation of a political theory. As argued above, human nature, and by association social theory, is constantly changing. This means that political theory is also an open-ended science. For example, the development of Communism, I would argue, would not have been possible without the occurrence of both the Industrial Revolution and the worldwide movement to embrace a Capitalist social and economic structure. In other words, Communism, as a political theory, was created as an answer to a newly arisen state of human nature created by a human response to external change. Therefore, human nature, because it is constantly evolving as it responds to new external forces, allows for the infinite construction of new political theories.

Works Cited:

Wootton, David. Modern Political Thought – Readings from Machiavelli

to Nietzsche. Second Edition. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing

Company, Inc., 2008. Print.

Solnit, Rebecca. The Uses of Disaster – Notes on Bad Weather and Good

Government (Essay)

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